Social Sciences
The onus is on U.S. military personnel to build stronger ties with locals
Wall Street Journal, April 28, 2015
By YUKIE YOSHIKAWA
Ms. Yoshikawa is an adjunct fellow at Johns Hopkins University?s Reischauer Center, former fellow at the Okinawa prefectural government, and APP member
U.S.-Japanese security ties are a major theme of this week?s U.S. tour by Japan?s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, during which he and President Barack Obama have announced updated defense-alliance guidelines for the first time in two decades. Amid strong bilateral cooperation concerning joint military training, missile defense and other issues, however, the matter of U.S. military bases on the Japanese island of Okinawa remains unsettled and potentially explosive.
Especially controversial is whether the U.S. Marine Air Station at Futenma, in the densely populated city of Ginowan, will be relocated to a rural part of the island?as Washington and Tokyo agreed in 1996?or moved out of Okinawa, as the local governor and many voters demand.
During my tenure as a fellow of the Okinawa prefectural government from 2012 to 2014, I visited most of the U.S. military bases and their local city halls in Okinawa. This is the island where nearly 75% of U.S. military facilities (for exclusive use) in Japan are concentrated. I met with many local residents and members of the U.S. military and learned a great deal about U.S.-Japan relations on the ground.
To my dismay, and despite much high-level rhetoric from Washington and Tokyo about the importance of the U.S.-Japan alliance, most Okinawans had very low opinions of the U.S. military. Some local government officials told me it had been several years since a U.S. military officer last visited their offices.
Few Okinawan officials had a clear understanding of the chains of command within the military institutions based on the island. Local U.S. Marine commanders may provide the prefectural government with an organization chart, I was told, but there would be no accompanying explanation of how each department within the organization functions.
Part of this stems from wariness on the part of the Americans. When one U.S. Marine commander suggested that more information be shared with the prefectural government in order to minimize the chances of miscommunication, his advisors rejected the proposal, believing that Okinawan officials would leak the information to local interest groups opposed to the presence of U.S. bases there.
This lack of communication helps create a climate of animosity, as local officials seeking clarity on military procedures are routinely stonewalled and frustrated, lending credence to their belief that the U.S. military doesn?t care about them. They, in turn, become more uncooperative toward U.S. military personnel.
The onus, however, is on the Americans. The Americans need to maintain good relations with the locals, especially given that many locals question the very existence of the bases. The base issue has always been a touchy one, driving risk-averse local bureaucrats to avoid military contact. The language barrier stands tall, while the fence surrounding the U.S. bases creates a physical divide that allows little space for interaction.
Americans have tried to build good relations with the locals and contribute to Okinawa?s quality of life?for instance, by cleaning up beaches, teaching English or organizing sporting events. But such actions don?t always succeed. Often they are viewed by locals with suspicion or cynicism.
These acts of goodwill should not be a goal but merely a starting point. I found during my interviews, with very few exceptions, that the most successful U.S. base commanders and liaison officers were those who had developed deep local relations. These officers and commanders are frequently visiting city halls and befriending ward chiefs. They also clean beaches and teach English, but they focus first on establishing friendships with the locals, sometimes going for coffee together after beach events or having dinner after language lessons.
Such relationships make it easier to establish the necessary lines of communications when potential controversies arise, such as car accidents or crimes committed by U.S. service members. The locals would inform the liaison officers and base commanders of incidents soon after they occur, helping them understand how and when to apologize, and to whom?all of which would be vital for effective damage control.
Meeting in person with local leaders and residents, therefore, is the essential first step to reducing mistrust between the U.S. military and the people of Okinawa. As one successful U.S. commander said he learned from his Okinawan interlocutors: ?If I see you in person, it is difficult to hate you.?
- U.s.-japan Okinawa Agreement Not A Breakthrough
George Washington University Professor Mike Mochizuki, an APP Board Member, was interviewed on April 11th by Peter Ennis for Toyo Keizai On-Line and Dispatch Japan regarding the "new" agreement to set a timetable for the return of some property to...
- L?affaire Maher
Goya GirlThe L?Affaire Maher is not just the momentary misjudgment of one man, but it is also symptomatic of a general failure of Washington to adapt to profound social and political changes in Japan. The blogospheric era has caught up with Japan too,...
- Fukushima And The Art Of The Impossible
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama had no choice but to eject the head of the Social Democratic Party, Mizuho Fukushima, from the cabinet. Her demand to scrap the base realignment agreement between the United States and Japan was untenable. What exactly...
- Okinawa Protests
Among the many interesting results of the DPJ?s rejection of the LDP-negotiated Futenma Air Station relocation plan has been the further empowerment of the citizens of Okinawa. Always Japan?s backwater and where Tokyo confined the majority of U.S. military...
- Bureaucrat Points To Pork For Futenma Upset
Interviewed in the January 2010 issue of the monthly literary journal Chuokoron, former Vice Minister of Defense Takemasa Moriya (pictured) reveals much about the lengthy negotiations between the United States and Japan to close and relocate the Marine...
Social Sciences
The Okinawa Threat to U.S.-Japan Defense Ties
 |
| dugong |
Wall Street Journal, April 28, 2015
By YUKIE YOSHIKAWA
Ms. Yoshikawa is an adjunct fellow at Johns Hopkins University?s Reischauer Center, former fellow at the Okinawa prefectural government, and APP member
U.S.-Japanese security ties are a major theme of this week?s U.S. tour by Japan?s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, during which he and President Barack Obama have announced updated defense-alliance guidelines for the first time in two decades. Amid strong bilateral cooperation concerning joint military training, missile defense and other issues, however, the matter of U.S. military bases on the Japanese island of Okinawa remains unsettled and potentially explosive.
Especially controversial is whether the U.S. Marine Air Station at Futenma, in the densely populated city of Ginowan, will be relocated to a rural part of the island?as Washington and Tokyo agreed in 1996?or moved out of Okinawa, as the local governor and many voters demand.
During my tenure as a fellow of the Okinawa prefectural government from 2012 to 2014, I visited most of the U.S. military bases and their local city halls in Okinawa. This is the island where nearly 75% of U.S. military facilities (for exclusive use) in Japan are concentrated. I met with many local residents and members of the U.S. military and learned a great deal about U.S.-Japan relations on the ground.
To my dismay, and despite much high-level rhetoric from Washington and Tokyo about the importance of the U.S.-Japan alliance, most Okinawans had very low opinions of the U.S. military. Some local government officials told me it had been several years since a U.S. military officer last visited their offices.
Few Okinawan officials had a clear understanding of the chains of command within the military institutions based on the island. Local U.S. Marine commanders may provide the prefectural government with an organization chart, I was told, but there would be no accompanying explanation of how each department within the organization functions.
Part of this stems from wariness on the part of the Americans. When one U.S. Marine commander suggested that more information be shared with the prefectural government in order to minimize the chances of miscommunication, his advisors rejected the proposal, believing that Okinawan officials would leak the information to local interest groups opposed to the presence of U.S. bases there.
This lack of communication helps create a climate of animosity, as local officials seeking clarity on military procedures are routinely stonewalled and frustrated, lending credence to their belief that the U.S. military doesn?t care about them. They, in turn, become more uncooperative toward U.S. military personnel.
The onus, however, is on the Americans. The Americans need to maintain good relations with the locals, especially given that many locals question the very existence of the bases. The base issue has always been a touchy one, driving risk-averse local bureaucrats to avoid military contact. The language barrier stands tall, while the fence surrounding the U.S. bases creates a physical divide that allows little space for interaction.
Americans have tried to build good relations with the locals and contribute to Okinawa?s quality of life?for instance, by cleaning up beaches, teaching English or organizing sporting events. But such actions don?t always succeed. Often they are viewed by locals with suspicion or cynicism.
These acts of goodwill should not be a goal but merely a starting point. I found during my interviews, with very few exceptions, that the most successful U.S. base commanders and liaison officers were those who had developed deep local relations. These officers and commanders are frequently visiting city halls and befriending ward chiefs. They also clean beaches and teach English, but they focus first on establishing friendships with the locals, sometimes going for coffee together after beach events or having dinner after language lessons.
Such relationships make it easier to establish the necessary lines of communications when potential controversies arise, such as car accidents or crimes committed by U.S. service members. The locals would inform the liaison officers and base commanders of incidents soon after they occur, helping them understand how and when to apologize, and to whom?all of which would be vital for effective damage control.
Meeting in person with local leaders and residents, therefore, is the essential first step to reducing mistrust between the U.S. military and the people of Okinawa. As one successful U.S. commander said he learned from his Okinawan interlocutors: ?If I see you in person, it is difficult to hate you.?
- U.s.-japan Okinawa Agreement Not A Breakthrough
George Washington University Professor Mike Mochizuki, an APP Board Member, was interviewed on April 11th by Peter Ennis for Toyo Keizai On-Line and Dispatch Japan regarding the "new" agreement to set a timetable for the return of some property to...
- L?affaire Maher
Goya GirlThe L?Affaire Maher is not just the momentary misjudgment of one man, but it is also symptomatic of a general failure of Washington to adapt to profound social and political changes in Japan. The blogospheric era has caught up with Japan too,...
- Fukushima And The Art Of The Impossible
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama had no choice but to eject the head of the Social Democratic Party, Mizuho Fukushima, from the cabinet. Her demand to scrap the base realignment agreement between the United States and Japan was untenable. What exactly...
- Okinawa Protests
Among the many interesting results of the DPJ?s rejection of the LDP-negotiated Futenma Air Station relocation plan has been the further empowerment of the citizens of Okinawa. Always Japan?s backwater and where Tokyo confined the majority of U.S. military...
- Bureaucrat Points To Pork For Futenma Upset
Interviewed in the January 2010 issue of the monthly literary journal Chuokoron, former Vice Minister of Defense Takemasa Moriya (pictured) reveals much about the lengthy negotiations between the United States and Japan to close and relocate the Marine...